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Archive for March 27th, 2009

HOMOSEXUAL OFFENDERS VS. CHILDREN: CRIMINALITY

Friday, March 27th, 2009

A fair number—about one fifth—of these offenders had juvenile records. However, a relatively large proportion of their juvenile offenses were serious, since 17 per cent ended in imprisonment for six months or more. In this they exceeded the prison group, of whom nearly one quarter had juvenile convictions and 16 per cent had sentences of six or more months. Technically one should not speak of juvenile “convictions” or “sentences,” but in actuality this is what they are, though under other labels. The homosexual offenders vs. children had the third (and nearly the second) largest number with records of juvenile sex offenses—10 per cent.

There is nothing unusual about the rapidity with which these men acquired their convictions as adults. About one quarter had been convicted of some crime by age eighteen, one third by age twenty, one half by twenty-three, and three quarters by thirty. This record lags behind that of the prison group. However, in convictions resulting in imprisonment for a year or more, essentially felony convictions, these offenders catch up with the prison group by age thirty and subsequently surpass it. This is because of their sex offenses, which are chiefly felonies; they have a higher per capita felony conviction than the members of the prison group.

The average (median) age of the homosexual offender vs. children when first convicted for any offense was twenty-four—a moderate age. His first conviction for a homosexual offense against a child came when he was thirty, the same age as the homosexual offenders vs. minors.

The ratio of sex-offense to nonsex-offense convictions, 53 per cent vs. 47 per cent, is in no way unusual and is quite similar to that of the homosexual offenders vs. adults and several other groups. Nor is the proportion of “pure” sex offenders, 54 per cent, remarkable.

The number of convictions per capita is large—4.03, a figure exceeded only by the aggressors vs. children and by the two notorious “repeaters,” the peepers and exhibitionists. However, the size of this figure is not due to sex offenses (the 2.15 per capita sex-offense figure is moderate) but to predilection for vagrancy-disorderly conduct convictions, in which they rank second with nearly one apiece. Indeed, these account for nearly half of their nonsex offenses, the largest proportion of any group. The other types of crime were correspondingly unimportant in terms of percentages, and offenses against the person were quite infrequent.

Examining now the sex offenses other than those against male children, we find that the homosexual offender vs. children favored male minors (52 per cent), to a lesser degree male adults (16 per cent), and to a still lesser degree females (14 per cent). Other sex offenses were numerically unimportant. In brief, these men were rather specialized in their sex offenses; 87 per cent of them were homosexual offenses.

Their recidivism rate was moderate, slightly higher than the prison group’s.

*178\161\2*

Tags: Erectile Dysfunction, Men’s Health
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INCEST OFFENDERS VS. MINORS

Friday, March 27th, 2009

Incest offenders vs. minors are adult males who have had sexual contact with their daughters or stepdaughters aged twelve to fifteen inclusive at the time. As in all incest cases, the element of force or duress is clouded by parental status and must be treated as a subtopic rather than employed as a criterion for a major sex-offense category.

The incest offender vs. minors differs from the incest offender vs. children in having been exposed to a sexual temptation more understandable to the average man; for unlike a child, girls from twelve to fifteen are often close to physical maturity and in the eyes of many are on the threshold of sexual acceptability. In brief, the hypothetical average man would be inclined to regard the incest offender vs. minors as entitled to some, albeit small, sympathy—especially if the girl were a stepdaughter rather than a genetic daughter.

In their own defense, the incest offenders vs. minors are especially prone to emphasize the physical maturity of their daughters. Like offenders vs. children and aggressors vs. children, they may occasionally add a year or two to the girl’s age. In view of the crushing disapprobation directed against offenders vs. minors, their attempt to minimize their offense is quite understandable. Another mitigation not infrequently claimed is that the daughter instigated or appeared receptive to the sexual contacts; this will be analyzed subsequently in detail.

*136\161\2*

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HETEROSEXUAL AGGRESSORS VS. MINORS: MARRIAGE; EXTRAMARITAL AND POSTMARKAL COITUS

Friday, March 27th, 2009

A little over half of our sample of aggressors vs. minors had married prior to being interviewed, not a small proportion considering that they are our youngest group of offenders. The average aggressor vs. minors married earlier than the average member of any other group—to be specific, at age 20.5 years.

Of all our groups, they had the most unstable marriages. They are the only group in which fewer than half of the ever-married men had married only once. Evidently only their youthfulness and the consequent limitation of time had prevented them from making a record for even larger numbers of marriages. Naturally, they are notable not only for multiple marriages but for the brevity of their marriages. They rank first among those with one broken marriage of two years or less, and fourth with two or more equally brief marriages.

In the light of all this, it comes as no surprise to find that the aggressor vs. minors had by far the shortest acquaintance with his future wife—in fact, he had known her for less than two months. This short acquaintance was no handicap to him in having premarital coitus with her: 86 per cent did, the largest proportion of any group. The relatively short time between the beginning of coitus and marriage prevented any large number of pregnant brides. It is worth noting that despite the brevity of his marriages the aggressor vs. minors had a moderate number of children (18 for every ten aggressors vs. minors).

Once married, the aggressors vs. minors were inclined toward lengthy precoital play. Over one third (second only to the aggressors vs. adults) habitually devoted half an hour or more to petting prior to marital coitus. For the majority, this included mouth-genital contact —indeed, 43 per cent (second in rank-order) experienced both fellation and cunnilingus. The unusual interest in mouth-genital contact typical of aggressors vs. minors and adults exhibited before marriage carried over into marriage.

Since a high incidence of mouth-genital contact in marriage usually is indicative of liberal sexual attitudes, it follows that a very large proportion of the aggressors vs. minors used coital positions other than the conventional male-prone female-supine. Also a moderately high number (17 per cent) had had anal coitus with their wives.

We cannot determine whether the high incidence of premarital coitus with fianc?es and the hasty marriages indicate that the aggressors vs. minors were marrying females who were above average in sexual responsiveness. We can, however, state that on the basis of their husbands’ reports these wives were second only to the wives of the peepers in orgasmic responsiveness; in over three quarters of the years of marriage they reached orgasm nine times out of ten or better. Such unusual response coupled with the typical tendency of the aggressors to misjudge their female sexual partners makes us feel that these reported data are biased.

Obviously this allegedly good sexual adjustment did not counterbalance the maladjustments that plagued the marriages of the aggressors vs. minors. In fact, these offenders reported the fewest happy marriages of any group. About a fourth (the next to fewest) of their years of marriage had been very happy, whereas 41 per cent (the largest proportion recorded) were very unhappy.

In accord with their attitudes about coitus, some 79 per cent of the aggressors vs. minors had extramarital coitus (the third highest percentage), which is far above the 47 per cent of the control group. These men with such coitus had it with a greater number of partners (12) than the men of any other group.

There were too few separated, widowed, and divorced individuals to permit calculation of postmarital statistics.

*94\161\2*

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HETEROSEXUAL OFFENDERS VS. MINORS: EXTRAMARITAL AND POSTMARITAL COITUS

Friday, March 27th, 2009

The premarital level of sexuality is mirrored in the situation after marriage when 65 per cent, again a relatively but not extremely large number, reported having had extramarital coitus.

The age-specific incidence of extramarital coitus with companions tends to decrease with age among these offenders, falling from a maximum of 56 per cent in age-period 16-20 to 32 per cent in age-period 41-45. This trend is, for a time, paralleled by their position in the rank-orders: starting in first place, they drop to fourth in age-period 21-25, and then to intermediate levels in age-periods 26-30 and 31-35, A resurgence of extramarital activity from thirty-six to forty, however, earns them first place once more, and in the next age-period, 41-45, they are in second place. The age-specific incidence of extramarital coitus with prostitutes is less complicated. The offenders vs. minors always rank high, usually in second or third place, in all age-periods. The proportion of single men who have coitus with prostitutes fluctuates very little from one age-period to another: it amounts to about one fourth except for a drop to 19 per cent (fifth rank) during the years from twenty-one to twenty-five.

The frequency of extramarital coitus is best described as moderate to slightly high—being around the 0.2 per week level from age sixteen to age forty for the average (median) person having such activity—and most of it, by far, was with companions rather than prostitutes.

On the average, these men had nine extramarital partners, a moderate percentage well above the control’s five but below prison’s ten. In proportion of total outlet constituted by extramarital coitus with companions these offenders rank high, frequently first or third, with as much as 10 per cent of their total orgasms derived in this way. They also rank rather high in the proportion of outlet obtained from extramarital coitus with prostitutes: after age thirty-five they are in the first rank for the next ten years.

Of those whose marriages broke up, 90 per cent or more of the younger offenders continued to have coitus, but by age-period 36-40 roughly one fifth had no coitus in that span of time: this is a relatively large figure. Those with coitus, however, had such activity rather more than average, in their teens and early twenties at twice per week and grading down to once per week (fourth in rank-order and below the control group) by age-period 41-45. Prior to age thirty a fair amount was with prostitutes (43 to 52 per cent having such commercial coitus), yet this contributed but 3 to 6 per cent of their total outlet because of the greater frequency of postmarital coitus with companions which provided three quarters or more of all their orgasms. After thirty the activity with prostitutes diminished and relatively few (37 to 29 per cent) continued with it, but it still provided 6 per cent of the total outlet for all these separated, divorced, or widowed offenders.

*52\161\2*

Tags: Erectile Dysfunction, Men’s Health
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METHODS AND TERMS: FREQUENCIES

Friday, March 27th, 2009

Frequencies of given types of behavior have been expressed with reference to units of time. In the text common behavior is generally expressed in number of times per week; less common behavior is expressed in number of times per year. In the tables frequencies are almost always given in terms of per week. Unless otherwise stipulated, these units of time refer to time lived outside of institutions.

We have calculated both mean and median frequencies. In the text we give preference to the median since it is less influenced by extremes. In small samples the inclusion of even one individual with extremely high frequencies can render mean frequency almost useless. These mean and median frequencies are usually given in terms of our five-year age-periods, for instance the median frequency of premarital coitus between ages twenty-one to twenty-five.

In addition to the “per week” and “per year” frequencies, the frequencies of certain other events are given simply as the number of times they occurred up to the date when the person was interviewed. Such events include, for example, the number of times married and the number of offenses.

In discussing frequency, we must make clear whether we refer to frequency of activity resulting in orgasm or frequency of activity regardless of whether or not it led to orgasm. Frequencies of petting to climax (orgasm) and dreams leading to orgasm are by definition clear. In our interviews, the questions concerning postpubertal self-masturbation are so devised that masturbation frequency is always in terms of orgasm. Coitus and coitus ending in orgasm are essentially synonymous for the male. Ejaculatory impotence and coitus reservatus are too rare in our present study to merit attention here. Discrepancy between frequency of activity and frequency of orgasm appears only in relation to homosexuality and animal contacts. For homosexuality, all our mean and median frequencies represent orgasm only; our frequencies based on the number of experiences a year outside institutions measure activity regardless of orgasm. The frequencies of animal contact are expressed in terms of orgasm frequencies.

*9\161\2*

Tags: Erectile Dysfunction, Men’s Health
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